Ecotourism, Exploitation and the Cape Verdean Diaspora: A Recipe for Re-Colonization

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The Uniqueness of Cape Verde

In addition to its isolated geographical location several hundred miles off of the coast of Western Africa, Cape Verde stands in a unique position for several reasons. For one, though sections of its islands have barren, desert-like climates, Cape Verde’s ecological importance is not to be overstated. The archipelago is a hub for traveling loggerhead turtles and 13 different types of cetaceans, including blue and humpback whales, still largely avoiding the whaling crises. (Hazevoet and Wenzel, 2001, p. 3). Additionally, the cape is the home of several indigenous bird species such as the Masked Booby and the Alexander’s Swift (Sixth Report, 2010, p. 12-15). The incredible amount of biodiversity that the cape sustains is such that the islands warrant a reference by Darwin in his account of biological evolution (Lobban, 1995, p. 7).

Moreover, Cape Verde also occupies a unique place in maritime history. Described as the crossroads of the Atlantic, Cape Verde’s calm waters and deep, safe harbors lead to it being an important port for the shipping industry from Africa to the Americas. In addition to coal, cotton, and sugarcane, the cape’s location made it something of a thoroughfare for the slave trade, particularly the trade in Brazil (Crossroads, p. 192-194). Additionally, the cape has played a role in U.S. military history and is “linked to… the voyages of Columbus and Vasco da Gama (and) the pirate attacks of Francis Drake” (Lobban, 1995, p. 7).

Being utilized as a port and being valued as little more than this by the imperialist Portuguese, colonial Cape Verde, and the island of Mindelo in particular, became a dismal place of poverty, prostitution, and drunkenness (Crossroads, p. 165). The activity from the shipping industry and the high rate of prostitution in the area quickly turned the inhabitants of Mindelo into an amalgamation of different ethnic diversity (Crossroads,  p. 165). The melting-pot of Cape Verde, which was inadvertently created by the continued introduction and mixture of genetic and cultural information to the ports over the years, has resulted in the creation of an ethnically and culturally unique populace. In addition to its African ancestry and Portuguese colonial heritage, the current population includes, among others, Chinese, Dutch, Sephardic Jews, Nicaraguan, and Brazilian descendants (Lobban, 1995, p. 1).

Given Cape Verde’s unique standing in terms of its broad ecological importance, its complex and, historical significance, and its ethnically diverse population and cultural amalgamation, it is important that the Cape be protected from the powerful influences of investment interests that accompany ecotourism. Without vigilant oversight and close regulation, having already survived the hegemony of Portuguese colonialism, Cape Verde may be at risk for a type of re-colonization at the hands of transnational corporate interests.  

The intersection of diaspora, and transnational identity

Though it has historically been known as a supplier of salt, livestock, seafood, and native handcrafts, according to Lobban, “the most enduring resource and export of Cape Verde has been its people”(1995, p. 8). Cape Verde’s position as a crossroads has provided its populace with relatively easy access to travel and emigration. Due to this diaspora of the Cape Verdean population, more Cape Verdeans are spread throughout the world than in the archipelago itself, with large populations settling in Portugal, the Netherlands, West Africa, France and the U.S – particularly in New England (Carling, 2004, p. 114-131). This diaspora provides a substantial economic benefit to Cape Verde, as the remittances sent back to the islands from Cape Verdeans living abroad helps to sustain those who remain in the archipelago (Lobban, 1995, p. 8). 

Many of members of the Cape Verdean diaspora, though living abroad, still identify heavily with their homeland in terms of political, cultural, and national identity. The strong link that Cape Verdeans living different parts of the world share with each other and with Cape Verde forms a web of interconnected groups that identify themselves as Cape Verdeans. The members of these groups comprise “a huge global melting pot of transnational communities that defy the tradition of nation-statehood” (Coles and Dallen, 2004, p. 291). This, in turn, gives rise to a strong Cape Verdean transnational identity.

In the countries that they have emigrated to, those who identify themselves as Cape Verdean and live in communities with strong ties to the archipelago are, in essence, living in a kind of exile. That is to say, they exist and live as minorities in countries to which, due to their transnational identification with Cape Verde, they have not assimilated. According to Cabral, this status of being a marginalized and oppressed minority introduces of a “return to the source” movement into the community as a revolutionary reaction against hegemony saturated oppression (Identity, p. 246). In the indigenous populace and in the dispersed populace, both individually and collectively, the “return to this source” yields a renewed interest in the culture of the homeland. Indeed, culture too, as Cabral points out, culture itself can be utilized as a resistance to invasive foreign oppression (Liberation, p. 113). This interest and identity can contribute to revolutionary independence-movements and can also be yielded as a weapon against dominant and oppressive forces; however, with respect to the ecological, historical, and cultural importance of Cape Verde, the impetus to “return to the source” in the members of its diaspora carries with it both the potential for great prosperity and potentially deleterious effects for those Cape Verdean’s who are still living on the islands. 

Returning to the Source:

As Cabral notes, “this return to the source is not and cannot be itself a struggle against foreign domination, (colonial and racist) and it no longer necessarily means a return to tradition” (Identity, p. 246). This is to say that those groups who identify as Cape Verdeans and are thus motivated to “return to the source,” particularly those who are members of diaspora groups, may not be interested also in returning to the source of Cape Verdean customs or lifestyle. The ocean, which a native Cape Verdean fisherman sees as a source of sustenance may not be identified as such by a Cape Verdean who has emigrated to or been raised in Cape Cod. According to Coles and Dallen, “Contestation among cultural groups generally results when multiple groups share the same heritage and historic places but view them differently” (2004, p. 291). This means that there is a potential for two competing claims to be made on Cape Verde: one by those groups who inhabit the islands, and one those who are living abroad. 

Those Cape Verdeans who wish to “return to the source” and visit their ancestral and cultural birthplace pose a threat, either directly or indirectly, to the archipelago and its populace in several different ways. First of all, as Tuohino and Hynonen have noted, ecotourism, though it its stated aim is low-impact exploration of pristine and fragile environments, can have the opposite effect if it is poorly or unethically instantiated. The tourism industry being primarily invested in by Western businesses, the bulk of the profit from ecotourism in Cape Verde would not be going to the inhabitants of the islands but to outside investors (2001). Furthermore, while non-conscientious ecotourism would not economically benefit native Cape Verdeans, it might, in fact, directly harm the cape’s economy as it would draw upon important resources like land, water and food, thus depleting their availability and inflating prices for the populace and contributing little in the way of job growth and economic opportunity (Tuohino and Hynonen, 2001).

Furthermore, unless great care is taken to prevent it, ecotourism in Cape Verde may also result in damaging the areas ecological environment. Tourism requires a great variety of changes to the environment, from the construction of additional facilities such as hotels, restaurants and the like, to the introduction of additional or expanded paths and roadways for automobiles and an increase in boat traffic. Without careful oversight and regulation, this aspect of tourism could significantly degrade Cape Verde’s ecosystem and result in the loss of or irreparable damage to the archipelago’s diverse flora and fauna specimens.

Conclusion: The paradox of Capitalist interest and the Cape Verdean diaspora

The geographical uniqueness of Cape Verde has contributed to the development of its ecological, historic, and ethic uniqueness as well as the high rate of emigration that its population has experienced for over five hundred years. This diaspora has served to create two very different types of Cape Verdean’s: those in communities comprised of individuals with transnational Cape Verdean identities with and interest in returning to the source of their heritage, and those who currently reside on the archipelago. The Western controlled industry of Ecotourism in Cape Verde, if it is improperly established, potentially poses several serious dangers to the islands and their inhabitants, and it is through this industry that many Cape Verdean emigrants will visit their homeland. Therefore, with respect to Cape Verde, the “return to the source” movement, identified by Cabral as having revolutionary capacities, may end up being appropriated by foreign, capitalist interests and result in the severe mistreatment of the indigenous Cape Verdeans and their natural resources. Thus, a paradox is presented: if ecotourism in Cape Verde is instantiated without rigorous, ethical guidelines, the members of the diaspora who return to visit Cape Verde will, through the medium of capitalist interests, be contributing to the oppression and exploitation of the indigenous populace and the re-colonization of Cape Verde by western corporations.

References

Cabral, A. (n.d.). Identity and Dignity in the Context of Struggle. Pdf.

Cabral, A. (n.d.). National Liberation and Culture. Pdf.

Carling, J. (2004). Emigration, return and Development in Cape Verde: The impact of closing borders. Population, Space and Place, 10(2), 113-132. doi: 10.1002/psp.322

Coles, T., & Dallen, T. J. (2004). Tourism, diasporas, and space. London: Routledge. Crossroads of the Atlantic. (n.d.). In The Cape Verdes (pp. 158-194). Pdf.

Hazevoet, C. J., & Wenzel, F. W. (2003). Whales and Dolphins (Mammalia, Cetacea) of the Cape Verde Islands, with Special Reference to the Humpback Whale Megaptera Novaeangliae. Contributions to Zoology. Retrieved August 9, 2013, from http://dpc.uba.uva.nl/ctz/vol69/nr03/art04

Hazevoet, C. J. (2010). Sixth report on birds from the Cape Verde Islands, Including Records of 25 Taxa New to the Archipelago. Zoologia Caboverdiana, 1(1), 3-44. doi: 2074-5737

Lobban, R. A. (1995). Cape Verde: Crioulo colony to independent nation. Boulder: Westview Press.

Tuohino, A., & Hyonen, A. (2001). Ecotourism - Imagery and Reality. Nordia Geographical Publications, 30(4), 21-34.