The life of Julius Caesar is one that must be viewed in light of both his importance as a great historical figure and with an eye towards the controversial nature of his moral compass. He surely qualifies as a great man, as Goldsworthy states, yet his actions in the name of an ethical and righteous individual cast doubt upon his moral character. Hardly a stranger to bribery, blackmail, and even assassination, much of Caesar's greatness is a result of decisions that can be judged to be immoral. To critique a man like Caesar on the merits of his greatness and morality, one must utilize criteria involving understanding the underlying motive behind particular actions, as well as the objective result of said actions. Greatness is wholly derived from the impact an individual has on history; morality is determined by the ethical backdrop upon which decisions that impact the world are made. Two moments in particular bear mentioning, namely Caesar's actions in Spain during his early military and political career and subsequent involvement in the conspiracy of Lucius Sergius Catilina, and his conquest of Gaul followed by the infamous act of crossing the Rubicon in 49 BC are fascinating insights into determining what made Caesar a great man and whether his actions during his ascendency can be considered moral. Julius Caesar was a great man in his impact on history, but in practice, his ambition and character led him to pursue often immoral actions to achieve his goals.
Caesar's rise to greatness begins with his appointment to quaestor in the Spanish province. Though he would return later to Spain as its appointed governor, his time spent in Spain early in his life helped foment his political and military ambitions. At one point, Caesar is said to have expressed sadness and disappointment with his life when in the presence of a statue of Alexander the Great, “for he himself had done nothing memorable at the age when Alexander had already conquered the world” (Suetonius 5). Indeed, Caesar was reputedly so ambitious at this point that he actually returned to Italy early from his post and, according to Suetonius, “approached some Latin colonies which were agitating to secure full citizenship” (Suetonius 6). Thus already in his early political career, it is clear that Caesar had a mind for ambition and political gain, even going so far as to compare himself to Alexander the Great and ponder the efficacy of acquiring power via political agitation of Latin territories. Even more dramatic, Caesar would soon become accused of involvement in a plot by Lucius Sergius Catilina to overthrow the Republic. Though he avoided any direct involvement and punishment, the precedent for his eagerness to seize power in daring and ambitious moves became clear. Indeed, the parallels between a young Alexander the Great and an ambitious Julius Caesar become ever more fascinating when Plutarch reports that when Alexander, still a young boy, is asked to participate in a footrace with Macedonian nobility, he agrees “Only if I can compete with Kings” (Plutarch 229).
Though Caesar's involvement with the plot was suspect, he nonetheless tried his best to ensure the conspirators were not put to death and instead stripped of their land and titles and exiled to various cities around the Republic. A talented orator, Caesar argued long and hard for leniency and nearly succeeded, though eventually the Senate grew weary of his efforts and had him forcibly removed by armed guards. Even more remarkably, after being temporarily suspended from his praetorship, he cleverly rejected the help of an armed mob that would have seen him reinstated, an act that caused the Senate to then reappoint him to his position with a letter of thanks. Even when stripped of his position, Caesar nonetheless “had the audacity to continue to exercise his office and dispense justice” (Suetonius 15). What this episode involving the plot to overthrow the Republic shows us is the level to which Caesar effectively and cleverly manipulated and worked his way into the graces of political power. If the plot had succeeded, Caesar would have been placed into a position of strong political power, presumably prepared to ensure further gains from whatever new titles he would gain. Yet, even though the plot fails, he nonetheless obtains the office of Consul in 59 BC and soon thereafter forms the First Triumvirate, the informal coalition that would govern the Republic until Crassus' death in 53 BC. In terms of greatness, Caesar's actions surely propelled him to the forefront of Roman politics and leadership. Thus, this episode of his life is directly connected to events that will culminate in his dictatorship. However, his morality is then called into question, as there is no evidence and no suggestion that Caesar had any great motive beyond his own ambition. Indeed, planning to overthrow the Republic and its ideals in favor of a dictatorship stands on its own as an immoral act, allowing Caesar to be portrayed as an ambitious young politician eager to assert his own power and achieve greatness.
Caesar, chosen to lead the conquest of Gaul, achieved his greatest levels of fame and power through the subjugation of that region. Though the campaigns themselves took over nine years, the conclusion of the wars resulted in the addition of vast territory and incredible fame for Caesar. Fearing persecution for his crimes and illegal actions during his consulship, Caesar chose to capitalize on his wealth, fame, and military prowess to lead his army into Italy, a violation of the laws of the Republic. Knowing civil war would result, he chose to do what Shakespeare, in his famous play Julius Caesar, would later rationalize as “Caesar did never wrong but with just cause” (III.i.52-53). Thus, Caesar crossed the Rubicon and instigated the first of many Roman civil wars that would end in the dictatorship and ruler of Augustus. It is in this final act of choosing to rebel against the Republic in the most dramatic of forms, to actively seek out to supplant the very system that gave rise to Caesar's power, that helps throw much of Caesar's actions as a moral man into question. Greatness for him is assured—he ruled Spain, conquered Gaul, and won a civil war against powerful opponents. He was a great orator, a magnificent general, and a clever and manipulative politician that bribed, assassinated, and plotted his way to power. To be a great man is to impact history in a meaningful way, and Caesar's accomplishments are stunning in that regard. But to be a moral man, a man who can be seen as directed by a strong moral and ethical code, Caesar must fail. A moral man cannot justify overthrowing a Republic that had given him so much because of fear of repercussions of his own crimes. Having once stated “The republic is nothing—just a name, without substance or form” and “Sulla was a fool when he gave up the dictatorship” (Suetonius 77), it becomes clear that Caesar's efforts to fight and conquer for the Republic were not done in the name of Roman ideals or virtues, but rather the selfish pursuit of glory, fame, and power.
Caesar can be seen as a brave man, courageous and ambitious, but not a moral or righteous individual. As Thucydides states, “The bravest are surely those who have the clearest vision of what is before them, glory and danger alike, and yet notwithstanding, go out to meet it” (II, 2.4-3). Thus Caesar is brave, but having knowingly committed crimes to bribe, murder, and plot to achieve power for his own benefit cannot be called moral behavior. The plot of Catilina and Caesar's decision to overthrow the Republic are two clear indicators of his immoral character. Thus, while Julius Caesar is a great man by all accounts and his accomplishments speak for themselves, he cannot be considered a man that had lived a particularly moral life.
Works Cited
Plutarch, James S. Romm, and Pamela Mensch. Plutarch: Lives That Made Greek History. Print.
Shakespeare, William, and Alan Durband. Julius Caesar. Woodbury, NY: Barron's, 1985. Print.
Suetonius, and Catharine Edwards. Lives of the Caesars. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2008. Print.
Thucydides, and Paul Woodruff. On Justice, Power, and Human Nature: Selections from the History of the Peloponnesian War. Indianapolis: Hackett, 1993. Print.
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