The Effect of the Emergence of the Middle Class on the Democratization of Europe

The rise of the middle class was, in many ways, the primary cause of democratization in Europe in the 19th and early 20th centuries. The newly prosperous middle class was, for the first time in European history, able to exert the proper amount of pressure on aristocratic authorities to create a truly democratic system. However, there were a variety of other political and cultural factors that led to democratization during this time period. Although the rise of the middle class was an essential component of democratization, it was not the only factor and was not in and of itself the only reason for this important political trend. The careful study of the myriad ways in which the creation of a strong middle class triggered the rise of democratic governments in Europe and the areas in which it had a smaller influence is essential to a proper understanding of the dynamics of this extremely important historical issue.

The idea that the rise of the middle class in Europe triggered the democratization of the area’s political system has a great deal of support throughout the literature surrounding the topic. As Robert J. Goldstein states, “The clear connection between economic development and political democratization in nineteenth-century Europe supports the argument frequently advanced by political scientists that a certain level of prosperity and the existence of a significant middle class are key facilitators for democratic development.” The fact that these two historical developments overlap so closely makes it clear that there is an important relationship between these events. The historical links between the development of the middle class and the development of the European Parliament and democratic government are too numerous and intricate to be dismissed as mere coincidence. This becomes even clearer when some of the more specific causes of this trend are revealed.

The link between the development of the middle class and the rise of democratic government goes beyond mere historical proximity but has a variety of clear and well-understood causes. As Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson state, “Although during recent times a revolutionary threat from the middle class may appear farfetched, early democratizations in Europe—like those in Britain during the first half of the nineteenth century—were in response to significant social unrest from the middle segments of the society.” The fact of the matter is that extreme and even revolutionary pressure for increased political representation from the newly powerful middle class was one of the primary driving factors in the democratization of Europe. This radical and subversive change in the class and economic structure of the continent was incredibly influential on the development of democratized political systems. The mechanisms of this revolutionary pressure are also extremely important to understand in light of their significant effects.

One of the reasons why the rise of the middle class was so instrumental to the democratization of many parts of the European continent was the voice it gave to the lower classes. As Acemoglu and Robinson state, “To model this issue assume that the middle class and the poor jointly form a revolutionary threat, but if the middle class withdraws from this process, the poor cannot undertake a successful revolution.” The formation of a coalition between the middle class and lower class in terms of their desire for increased political representation allowed the voice of the common people to gain an economic backing that made them a force to be reckoned with for the first time in European history. Without the formation of a newly economically powerful middle class, the desire of the masses for democratic political representation would have been ignored as it had been in the years prior to this development. This assertion is supported by a number of other academics who have studied this time period of political development.

The assertion that the middle class was essential to the empowerment of the lower classes in their struggle for democracy is not merely an opinion held by some outliers, but largely forms the core of much of the scholarship related to the issue. As Evelyne Huber, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and John D. Stephens state, “Though the working class was the main agent of democracy in Europe it needed allies. It found them in the urban middle classes and small farming population. Without these groups, the working class was too weak to push for full democracy.” This quote illustrates the consensus amongst the academic community that the new middle class was essential to the emergence of democracy in Europe, due to the fact that through their alliance with the working class they helped the masses gain a level of political and economic clout that had previously eluded them. However, the importance of the small farming population also indicates that despite the extreme importance of the middle class to the development of democratic institutions, they were not the sole cause of this political development. This is not to say that the development of a strong middle class was not extremely important to the creation of democratic systems of government, and for more reasons than that they simply aided their working-class brethren in the quest for representative government.

Interestingly, other models for the democratization of Europe have been proposed that, while still placing a large degree of emphasis on the role of the middle class, assert that their influence on democratization may have occurred in a slightly different fashion. As Daniel Ziblatt states, in a society where the middle class has become increasingly powerful, “A cross-class alliance is possible. That is, nondemocratic wealthy elites may embrace what Boix calls ‘limited democracy,’ granting limited suffrage to the middle class. It is only when the gap between the poor and middle class also shrinks that what Boix calls ‘universal suffrage’ will be possible.” This quotation emphasizes the view that rather than empowering the working class directly, the middle class instead achieved democratic representation through an alliance with the upper classes, where the benefits of democracy then slowly expanded across society as the working class became increasingly economically empowered. This is an interesting variation on the theme of the importance of the middle class to the process of democratization, and it is likely that in truth both processes occurred, with the middle class simultaneously backing the revolutionary ideals of the workers and striking bargains with the upper classes, creating a democratic system in the process as they bridged the previously separated strata of society. It is, however, also important to note that much of the political change sparked by the emergence of the middle class was related to issues that were of concern only to the new group, and not the upper or lower classes with whom they occasionally collaborated.

While political collusion between the newly powerful middle class and the other social classes within society is certainly an important hallmark of the era’s political machinations, the middle class was capable of inciting change on their own terms and for their own benefit. As Jørgen Møller and Svend-Erik Skaaning state, democratizing movements “demanded—on behalf of the middle class—suffrage extensions as well as the introduction of constitutionalism. The aim was primarily to guarantee civil liberties and representation to the middle class.” Therefore, it is important to note that while the middle class did not hesitate to partner with the working class or bargain with the aristocracy, their primary concern was for their own economic and political well being and not for any higher moral or intellectual virtue. The focus on the needs of the middle class in the history of the democratization of many countries does, however, underscore their central nature to many of the political developments that occurred during this time period. This is also far from the only way in which the new middle class helped create the foundations of a democratic society.

The emergence of a middle class also helps create an environment more receptive to democratic government in a variety of ways. As Barbara Geddes states, “increasing education, equality, urbanization, experience of working in factories, and the weakening of traditional loyalties...all correlates of economic development—would result in citizens with more tolerant and participatory attitudes who would demand a say in government.” These factors illustrate that beyond merely providing the economic and political might to incite change, the development of the middle class also fundamentally altered the cultural and intellectual fabric of society, making European countries much more receptive to democratic ideals. The rise of the middle class in large part signified a significant shift in values that facilitated the development of democratic government to a remarkable and important degree. This is brought home even further by an examination of the factors necessary for the creation of a democratic society.

While the emergence of a strong middle class is essential to the development of a democratized political system, it is rarely the only factor at play. As Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba state, “the growth of a vigorous and numerous middle class, the development of Protestantism, and in particular the nonconformist sects, have been considered vital to the development of stable democratic institutions in Britain.” The fact that this quotation acknowledges the importance of the middle class to the democratization of Britain, while also pointing to equally important cultural and religious trends that influenced this political development illustrates that while the development of the middle class was certainly important, it was far from the only contributing factor to this trend. Cultural and religious elements of the social system also had profound effects on the development of democratic ideals that cannot be discounted simply due to the influential nature of the rise of the middle class. The interplay between economic, social, religious, and cultural factors must be understood for a proper view of the elements that led toward the democratization of Europe, as a closer look at the causes of the trend illustrates.

The importance of the cultural shift created by the rise of the middle class to the process of democratization cannot be overstated. As Barbara Wejnert states, “modernization views the trajectory of democracy as an outcome of high levels of economic development, formation of new classes and institutions, and the new cultural values that accompanied industrialization.” This quotation emphasizes not only the importance of the development of the middle class to the process of democratization but the specific importance of the cultural shifts that tend to accompany such an economic and social transformation. In many ways, the rise of the middle class can be viewed as an outgrowth of the same factors that influenced democratization, particularly industrialization, rather than as a driving factor. This becomes particularly clear when the fact is examined that in many European countries with strong middle-class segments of society democratization did not immediately result.

While the rise of the middle class was instrumental to the democratization of politics in many countries, it was not a universal catalyst for democracy. As Almond and Verba state, “While in the nineteenth century the British middle class, followed by the working class, was demanding and receiving political influence over the government, the German middle class accepted the law and order of the German Rechisstaat, under which it might prosper, but have no political influence.” This quotation illustrates that while a strong middle class may have been a prerequisite for the democratization of the political system, it was not in and of itself a decisive factor that guaranteed the emergence of such a political arrangement. The unique cultural values and factors that distinguish an individual country and society still played a large role in whether or not democratization occurred. However, a look at the situation in many countries where democratization was delayed or nonexistent proves that a strong middle class was still essential to the process of creating democratic political systems, even if it did not guarantee such a development.

A strong middle class may not have been enough to effectively guarantee the emergence of democratic political systems, but it was quite clearly an essential component of such political mobilization. An example that vividly illustrates this point is provided by Goldstein, when he states that “While northwest Europe gradually, and sometimes unsteadily, moved towards greater democratization and emphasis on reform rather than repression after 1870, the economically backward countries of southern and eastern Europe (Russia, Iberia, Hungary, and the Balkans) responded to lower class discontent mostly with intransigence and repression.” The fact that countries without the presence of a middle class and resulting economic vitality were uniformly undemocratic in their political operation illustrates that a strong middle class was simply an essential factor in the emergence of democratic systems during this time period. The invariable political backwardness of the regions of the continent where strong middle-class economies and values had yet to take hold illustrates the degree to which the emergence of the middle class was instrumental to the democratization of the political process in many areas. To understand how the rise of the middle class was able to have such a dramatic impact it is important to examine the factors that allowed this newfound social class to exert such tremendous power in several elements of society.

One of the reasons why the middle class was able to bring about such dramatic changes to the political structure of many parts of the European continent was the emergence of new technology that helped the new social class politically mobilize. As Huber, Rueschemeyer, and Stephens state “capitalist development is related to democracy because it shifts the balance of class power...the working and middle classes—unlike other subordinate classes in history—gain an unprecedented capacity for self-organization due to such developments as urbanization, factory production, and new forms of communication and transportation.” The importance of these newfound elements of industrialized society to the political mobilization of the middle class, and therefore, the democratization of Europe, cannot be overstated. Without the development of technology associated with industrialization much of the political activity that sparked the democratization of Europe would have proved to be impossible. These technological factors certainly helped create the strong middle class that brought about such a great portion of the changes that shaped the era, although it is important to once again note that the political situation across Europe was too complicated to state that the rise of the middle class alone was responsible for the process of democratization.

Even the staunchest advocates for the strong role that the formation of the middle class played in the process of democratization admit that it was far from the only factor. As Huber, Rueschemeyer, and Stephens state “we certainly are not arguing that class is all that matters. Although we consider the shift in the balance of class power to be the most important factor accounting for the positive correlation between development and democracy, our analysis leaves ample room for the other two clusters of power and for complex interactions among them.” This summation of their ideas highlights one of the major recurring themes in the research surrounding this issue, which is that the emergence of the middle class, although extremely influential on the process of democratization, was far from the only factor at play in the emergence of this complex political trend. While it was certainly an almost essential prerequisite for democratization to occur, there were also a variety of cultural, political, religious, and economic factors at play that went far beyond the scope of the mere emergence of a new and powerful middle class. And yet it remains fair to say that if any single factor was most influential in the democratization of Europe it was the rise of this newfound middle class.

There were a variety of interesting, complicated, and interlocking factors at play regarding the democratization of Europe during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The emergent middle class for the first time placed real revolutionary pressure on the European aristocracy and advocated for greater political representation while having the means to back up their demands. They also managed to support the revolutionary tendencies of the working class and broker alliances with the upper classes in a successful attempt to create a democratic political system. However, this is not to downplay that there were a variety of important cultural and religious factors at play in the process of democratization and that certain countries with strong middle classes never experienced a fully democratic shift in their political orientation during this time period. Nevertheless, the emergence of a strong middle class is one of the defining aspects of the political movement towards democracy that characterized Europe at the time.

Bibliography

Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J.A., Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2006.

Almond, G.A. and Verba, S., The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations, Newbury Park, Sage Publications, 1963, p. 8.

Geddes, B., ‘What Causes Democratization?’ in Carles Boix and Susan Stokes (eds.), Oxford Handbook of Comparative Politics, New York, Oxford University Press, 2007

Goldstein, R.J., Political Repression in 19th Century Europe, New York, Routledge, 1983.

Huber, E., Rueschemeyer, D. and Stephens, J.D., ‘Economic Development and Democracy: The Role of the Subordinate Classes’, in Eva Etzioni-Halevy (ed.) Classes and Elites in Democracy and Democratization: A Collection of Readings, New York and London, Garland Publishing, 1997.

Møller, J. and Skaaning, S., Democracy and Democratization in Comparative Perspective: Conceptions, Conjunctures, Causes, and Consequences, New York, Routledge, 2013.

Ziblatt, D., ‘How Did Europe Democratize?’, World Politics, vol. 58, no. 2, 2006.