Studies and Applications of Forensic Psychology

Abstract

The field of forensic psychology is complex and educationally demanding. Courts rely on the expert testimonies and consultations provided by forensic psychologists, to make important decisions regarding child custody, mental fitness, sentencing, and mitigation. The concepts exercised to achieve these goals are drawn from a multitude of other disciplines under the umbrellas of law and psychology. The two studies detailed in this paper illustrate how theories of criminology have a particularly strong influence on the practice of forensic psychology. The first investigates the effects of child sexual abuse and other childhood adversities on the development of psychiatric disorders. Not surprisingly, the connection is substantial. The second is a survey of recidivism rates among previously convicted sex offenders. The data collected in this survey shows that men with prior sex-crime convictions are likely to reoffend, and that predictions of future crimes can be made based on phallometric assessment. The results of both of these studies demonstrate a few of the many patterns that forensic psychologists are responsible for recognizing and analyzing in criminals and potential criminals. These patterns are the manifestation of a number of theoretical applications to crime and victimization. The forensic psychology profession requires an extensive base knowledge of the theories of psychology in relation to several areas. This paper also looks into the level of education and qualifications an individual must possess in order to enter the field.

Studies and Applications of Forensic Psychology

Put simply, forensic psychology indicates the marriage between psychology and the judicial process (Brigham, 1999). The ambiguity of this definition reflects that of the field itself; the interdisciplinary nature of forensic psychology makes it difficult to pin down a precise description. The Handbook of forensic psychology defines the field as "both (1) the research endeavor that examines aspects of human behavior directly related to the legal process ... and (2) the professional practice of psychology within, or in consultation with, a legal system that embraces both civil and criminal law” (Brigham, 1999). This is one among many broad explanations of the discipline that rely mainly on “psychology and law” (Brigham, 1999). The American Psychology-Law Society represents one of the more clinical-based definitions, describing it specifically as, “clinical psychology and law." In essence, forensic psychologists are expected to train in a number of different fields so that they may borrow from this collection of diverse knowledge to aid in the law process. Forensic psychologists help to facilitate fair verdicts (namely regarding mental fitness and child custody), provide expert testimonies in court, and will sometimes provide corrections counseling to inmates and ex-convicts (Forensic Psychology, n.d.).

Topics Studied

Gaining the authority to accurately perform the tasks required of a forensic psychologist entails an educational background consisting of psychological, legal, and communications studies. Forensic psychologists must possess a comprehensive understanding of the legal system, and legal language. Interpersonal and problem solving skills are imperative, as well as the capability to employ appropriate therapy techniques when necessary (Forensic Psychology, n.d.). These are all skill sets that must be formed in conjunction with an exhaustive grasp on many different areas of psychology. Those most useful to the forensic field are: developmental psychology, criminology, abnormal psychology, victimology, and personality psychology (Brigham, 1999; Forensic Psychology, n.d.). Application of all of these disciplines is apparent in the following two studies related to forensic psychology.

The first, conducted by Molnar, Buka, & Kessler (2001), explores the impact of child sexual abuse (CSA) on subsequent psychopathology. It also examines the potential for the development of psychiatric disorders due to CSA to constitute other “childhood adversities,” and whether the type and frequency are relevant. A “nationally representative sample” of data was collected between 1990 and 1992, and consisted of 8,089 noninstitutionalized participants between the ages of 15 and 54 (Molnar et al., 2001). Participants were subject to a “structured psychiatric interview,” the first section of which was used to validate the diagnoses of existing psychiatric disorders for each participant, and to determine the age at onset (Molnar et al., 2001). If a participant’s disorders were deemed valid in the first portion of the interview, they moved onto the second, in which they addressed a number of “embedded” sexual abuse questions (Molnar et al., 2001). Participants who disclosed that they had been molested or raped for the first time before the age of 18, were considered to represent cases of CSA (Molnar et al., 2001). The final step was to analyze each participant’s scope of adversities based on family history, as previous studies have shown that CSA is more likely to occur in households with parental substance abuse problems, “marital conflict,” physical abuse etc. (Molnar et al., 2001).

After weeding out participants who had been diagnosed with a psychiatric disorder prior to their first experience of CSA, the statistical analysis shows that—from the sample collected—13.5% of females and 2.5% of males encountered some form of sexual abuse before the age of 18 (Molnar et al., 2001). These numbers reflect a greater amount of participants who reported additional childhood adversities, than those who did not (Molnar et al., 2001). The rates of psychiatric disorders among participants are all higher for those who reported CSA—social phobias, substance abuse, and depression being significantly higher (Molnar et al., 2001). The conclusion is that, while CSA is often a byproduct of pre-existing adversities that may all lend themselves to the development of a psychiatric disorder, when isolated it is still correlated with increased risk (Molnar et al., 2001).

This study relates to forensic psychology because it provides a helpful indicator as to why an individual may eventually engage in criminal behavior, or become vulnerable to victimization. It is an illustration of social-selection—a model that equates criminal behavior to traits developed in childhood (Wright, Moffitt, & Silva, 1999). Of course, in this case it is psychopathology, which does not always result in criminal behavior. However, if a defendant does come from an adverse background, it may provide insight into why the crime was committed. If these adversities influenced the development of one or more psychiatric disorders, knowledge of them gives the forensic psychologist a basis upon which to deliberate the mental fitness of the accused.

For a consulting forensic psychologist in a case with multiple suspects, this kind of information could prove useful in determining which one has a background most conducive to criminal behavior. The ability to extract and identify common patterns in both victims and offenders is perhaps the most important skill a forensic psychologist must possess. There are many theories of psychology related to the identification and analyses of such patterns; theories of criminology are particularly applicable. Forensic psychologists utilize the theories of social disorganization, strain, and social learning (to name a few) to aid in the understanding of what makes a criminal. This is also useful in distinguishing what constitutes an ideal victim in the eyes of a criminal, and predicting future offenses.

Another study, conducted by Rice, Quinsey, & Harris (1991), measured the “rates of sexual recidivism among child molesters released from a maximum security psychiatric institution.” The eligible subjects were those who had molested a child not belonging to his own family, and received a phallometric assessment between 1972 and 1983 while incarcerated (Rice et al., 1991). Phallometric assessments present male subjects with a variety of “sexual and non-sexual stimuli chosen to represent categories of… behavior thought to be relevant to various offence patterns” (Fernandez, n.d.). Stimuli are designated “deviant” versus “appropriate,” and a participant’s level of arousal in response to these categories is determined by taking a measurement of his erectile response (Fernandez, n.d.).

The subjects surveyed in the Rice et al. (1991) study were examined over six years after release, to assess rates of recidivism. Of 136 subjects, 42—or 31%—had been reconvicted for another sexual crime (Rice et al., 1991). Men who displayed greater levels of arousal in response to deviant stimuli were more likely to commit a repeat offense (Rice et al., 1991). Additionally, these subjects generally displayed longer-standing histories of sexual offense, and the majority of them had never been married (Rice et al., 1991). An issue consistently at the forefront of forensic psychology in a correctional setting is the question of appropriate rehabilitation techniques to reduce the risk of recidivism among prior offenders.

The results of the aforementioned CSA study are ironically pertinent to the outcomes displayed here; recidivism was also quite accurately predicted among subjects who possessed one or more psychiatric disorders (Rice et al., 1991). This supports the commonly referenced cycle of violence theory; children who were victims of sexual abuse are at risk of becoming adult offenders. This also ties into social disorganization and social learning—specifically social selection versus causation. The adversities detailed in the survey taken by Molnar et al. (2001) are factors contributing to social disorganization and causation. Wright et al. (1999) also acknowledge the effects of social selection in relation to criminal development, noting that, “neuropsychological impairments in childhood can extend into adulthood and cause criminal behavior.”

Essentially what all of this means is that criminal behavior can be predicted by and attributed to a myriad of patterns. A distinguished level of expertise in these theories and areas of study is necessary to accomplish this. The job of the forensic psychologist is to expose these patterns possessed by those under fire, specifically the most accurate pattern pertaining to each individual. This can prove beneficial in a number of ways, and is useful beyond criminal profiling alone. For example, when trying to make the right decision regarding child custody, a forensic psychologist may be able to use this skill to analyze parental fitness beyond face value. There are, of course, material qualifications such as financial stability and the facilities to provide a safe and consistent living situation. However, even when these factors are present, if there is disregard to emotional stability, the wrong decision will likely be made. Just as a forensic psychologist is charged with determining whether or not someone is faking mental illness to get out of a harsh prison sentence, they must also observe patterns that could indicate a false demonstration of mental wellness.

Required Training

As mentioned earlier, forensic psychologists are expected to master a range of subjects pertaining to psychology, law, and communications (Forensic Psychology, n.d.). Brigham (1999) points out that the majority of workshops suggested by the American Academy of Forensic Psychology are clinical. These include, “assessment; custody evaluations; mental disability; [and] child sexual abuse evaluations” (Brigham, 1999). Other workshops in a variety of subcategories (not exclusive to the American Academy of Forensic Psychology) include ethics, research methods, jury selection, psychological assessment and testing, and expert testimony (Brigham, 1999; Forensic Psychology, n.d.). A doctorate is required to obtain a license in forensic psychology, as well as a supervised internship (Forensic Psychology, n.d.).

There are many schools that offer programs in forensic psychology, both online and brick-and-mortar. The Florida Institute of Technology, and the universities of Denver and North Dakota are among the highest rated brick-and-mortar institutions (Forensic Psychology, n.d.). Few community colleges and online schools provide masters degrees in forensic psychology; however, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, Walden University, and Capella University represent exceptions to the rule (Forensic Psychology, n.d.).

Jobs in Forensic Psychology

Forensic psychology is the “only major profession” one can enter with a license in the field; however, the skills and knowledge possessed by forensic psychologists are utilized in many different ways (Forensic Psychology, n.d.). They are commonly employed by non-profit organizations, hospitals, and government agencies—predominantly the FBI (Forensic Psychology, n.d.). Their expert assessments are taken into consideration regarding custody verdicts, confirmation of mental illness in criminal suspects, and predictions of recidivism, among numerous other matters.

A forensic psychologist may also choose to work specifically in the corrections field, in which case, their time will be spent primarily in prisons or psychiatric institutions (Forensic Psychology, n.d.). This career path likely requires greater attention to diverse therapy techniques than that expected in the courtroom, as it constitutes more face time and one on one discussions. The average salary earned by a forensic psychologist in either concentration is comparable to those earned by psychologists in other areas—around $83,900 (Forensic Psychology, n.d.). Of course, aside from entering the field of forensic psychology directly, there is always the option of teaching the subject in a collegiate setting.

Personal Interest

Upon close examination of the field, I feel that I could be very interested in pursuing a career in forensic psychology. My apprehensions lie primarily in the amount of schooling necessary to obtain a license, and the costs associated. I am slightly intimidated by the amount of legal knowledge required of forensic psychologists, but also intrigued by the thought of one day possessing such a useful and impressive understanding of the judicial system. Another potentially negative aspect of working in the field could be the emotional strain of dealing with difficult subjects such as child abuse and mental illness day in and day out. However, this facet of the profession could ultimately be a positive thing, as I would not want to turn a blind eye toward these unfortunate scenarios, but rather develop a way to face them constructively. These are the only few reservations I feel about entering the field.

My potential pursuit of an education in forensic psychology presents far more positive implications. The clinical-based studies seem fascinating, as well as the additional associated fields of psychology. Like most Americans, and most humans for that matter, I possess a genuine interest in criminology and psychopathology. These things represent the darker side of existence, a facet of life unknown to me personally and that I would like to better understand. Such close interaction with all aspects of crime and the system that prosecutes it would potentially expand my social perspectives, resulting in educational, professional, and personal growth.

References

Brigham, J. C. (1999). What is forensic psychology, anyway? Law and Human Behavoir, 23(3), 273-298.

Fernandez, Y. (n.d.). Phallometric testing with sexual offenders against female victims: Limits to its value. Correctional Service of Canada. Retrieved from http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/text/pblct/forum/e141/141b_e.pd

Forensic Psychology. (n.d.).: The best online program information. Retrieved from http://www.forensicpsychology.net/

Molnar, B. E., Buka, S. L., & Kessler, R. C. (2001). Child sexual abuse and subsequent psychopathology: Results from the national comorbidity survey. American Journal of Public Health, 91(5), 753-760.

Rice, M. E., Quinsey, V. L., & Harris, G. T. (1991). Sexual recidivism among child molesters released from a maximum security psychiatric institution. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 59(3), 381-386.

Wright, B. R., Caspi, A., Moffitt, T. E., & Silva, P. A. (1999). Low self-control, social bonds, and crime: social causation, social selection, or both? Criminology, 37(3), 479-514.