Impacts of Teenage Pregnancy on Mothers and Their Newborns

Despite research that indicates a decline in the number of teenage pregnancies here in the United States, young, unmarried mothers continue to crowd maternity wards in hospitals across the nation. There are a number of concerns that permeate the atmosphere regarding teenage pregnancies, ranging from worries that the mothers will fail to complete their schooling to the notion that such pregnancies often result in children without a solid family structure in which to grow up. And while it is worth noting that the age of first-sexual-encounter has been dropping more and more over the last few years, there are other issues still more pressing which need to be addressed. This paper focuses on the mother and her child, and more specifically, some of the forces that affect them from the initial pregnancy and through the early years of parenthood. Foremost amongst these issues are the mental and emotional state of the mother, as well as some of her impeded life goals, and the physical and cognitive development of the infant. These issues represent important facets of teenage pregnancy that are not as comprehensively expressed as other components, but which are nonetheless vital aspects of understanding such a complex issue.

The prevalence of teenage pregnancies in today’s society is directly proportional to the fact the young people are engaging in sexual activity at ages far younger than ever before. One study from Maliki (2012) concluded “56% of young women…have had intercourse by age 18, compared with 35% of young women…in the early 1970s” (p. 64). While this study goes on to state that teenage pregnancies are also the result of certain socio-economic factors, as well as varying cultural proclivities, the fact of the matter is that young people today are simply exploring their sexuality at much younger ages than previous generations have. Unfortunately, the many risks associated with premarital, and often unprotected, sexual encounters have far-reaching implications. Unintended pregnancies aside, the psychological burden placed on the parents, particularly the mother, can often become overwhelming for children on the verge of parenthood.

One of the many unintended consequences common in adolescent girls experiencing pregnancy is the onset of depression. The realization that many of life’s dreams and ambitions will need to put on hold is often more strain than many of these soon-to-be mothers can withstand. One study from Tzilos et al. (2012) indicated “rates of depression in pregnant teens remain high with pregnant adolescents having twice the rate of depression as compared with pregnant adults” (p. 397). It is no surprise how the looming prospect of such tremendous responsibility can set teenage mothers on edge. Furthermore, those teenage mothers are still developing physiologically, noting the extraordinary levels of hormone activity taking place inside their bodies, further lends credence to the notion that such a state of mind is understandable. Interestingly though, such psychological states are often not as organic as some might suggest, with this study further describing how “a history of physical or sexual abuse is a significant factor related to the severity of depressive symptoms in pregnant adolescents” (Tzilos et al., 2012, p. 397). Despite the obvious factors surrounding the onset of depression in teenage mothers, it appears that more obscure externalities might also contribute to such conditions.

Prior sexual abuse has a significant impact on the severity of depression in teenage mothers when such a condition is present. Tzilos et al. (2012) also commented on the depressive attributes of teenage mothers, stating that “either physical or sexual abuse endorsed more depressive symptoms compared with adolescents not reporting such a history” (p. 399), and further expounded on this relationship in suggesting that “as many as 60% of pregnant adolescents have a history of physical or sexual abuse, and that the experience of abuse has been associated with adolescent pregnancy” (p. 399). Studies like these indicate that while teenage pregnancy is a social issue clearly in need of more widespread awareness, there are underlying factors that greatly impact the incidence of adolescent pregnancy. As such, mitigating the adverse effects of teenage pregnancies necessitates a more in-depth investigation into the effects abuse, as well as further support for teenage pregnancy prevention programs designed to address that particular social issue. While such investigations are beyond the scope of this paper, there is one other detrimental consequence of teenage pregnancy that must be addressed.

Another factor in determining to what extent a teenage mother may succumb to the depths of depression is the mother’s age. While teenage mothers, given the hormonal activity of their youth, are nearly always more susceptible to depression or self-esteem issues, the risk of incidence is only compounded for teenage mothers under the age of 15. A study from Papamichael, Pillai & Wai (2009) suggests that mothers in this age bracket “are more likely to give birth preterm to an LBW [low bodyweight] compared to older teenagers” (p. 1286). Additionally, this same study reported, “that very young mother aged 13-15 had an increased risk of perinatal mortality” (p. 1286). Considering the grief that a mature, adult mother might experience when faced with her newborn baby’s death, one can only conclude that a young, hormonally volatile, adolescent mother would react to the loss in a much more devastating, catastrophic manner. As such, one can imagine how the age of a teenage mother would largely impact the degree to which psychological ailments might affect her. Even absent the tragedy of a perinatal loss of life, teenage mothers under the age of 15 are logically more vulnerable to feelings of depression given their pregnancy situation. Furthermore, psychological conditions may run parallel to more concrete consequences of teenage pregnancy.

In many instances, teenage mothers are not afforded the opportunity to finish their education. While many times this results in teenage girls dropping out of high school, there are even reports of adolescent mothers being unable to complete their studies at the junior high level. On study from Basch (2011) reports that, compared with women who forgo having children until later in life, “teen mothers’ education is estimated to be approximately 2 years shorter” (p. 614), and further elaborated that “teen mothers are 10-12% less likely to complete high school and have 14-29% lower odds of attending college” (p. 614). Moreover, of the girls who drop out of school during pregnancy, only “twenty-nice percent of 14-19-year-olds who had dropped out…returned to school” (Grant & Hallman, 2008, p. 378). Such figures are rather astounding when one considers the financial impact of childbearing on parents as well as the repercussions surrounding career advancement for those who lack formal education. Additionally, there are consequences of teenage birth that often remain dormant and are only materialized later in life.

Teenage pregnancies often result in deep emotional and psychological conditions that may affect one or both parents for many years into the future. One study noted “significant and negative associations between teen-motherhood and women’s physical and mental health in their 40s,” and also concluded that their results “strongly suggest that teen-motherhood does, indeed, lead to poorer physical health later in life” (Patel & Sen, 2012, p. 1070). The authors go on to suggest that this may arise as a result of poor economic conditions, and overall stressors, of early childrearing. The impact of such research cannot be ignored when conclusions have been made relating to the association of teenage pregnancies to decreased levels of mental health in the future. That economic instability and depression not only arise during the time of the pregnancy but may also be prolonged in the later years of the mother’s life are reasons more than sufficient for seeking increased funding for teenage pregnancy prevention programs. Furthermore, this phenomenon has clear implications regarding not only the future socio-economic status of teenage parents but effects concerning the lives of their children as well.

There are numerous studies that suggest the children of teenage mothers are at a significantly higher risk for physical and cognitive disadvantages. A study from Cornelius et al. (2009) reported: “young maternal age significantly predicted higher BMI and smaller head circumference in six-year-old offspring” (p. 853). While such evidence may not indicate the root of recent obesity epidemics, especially here in the United States, there is still some concern over these findings and whether or not such outcomes indeed result in children becoming overweight later in life. Furthermore, the study from Cornelius et al. (2009) also found that “offspring of the teenage mothers had lower scores on the composite IQ...” (p. 854). Yet another study that failed to find significant differences in the health and development among children of teenage mothers and those with older mothers in nine-month-olds did find that “disparities began to emerge…by 24 months and were well established…at four and a half” (Mollborn & Dennis, 2012, p. 1032). While this is another instance where research into childhood development should also take into account the environment of the child before ascribing young maternal age as the cause for decreased mental and physical development, one must still consider the results of the study and its findings concerning the potential impacts of teenage pregnancy. Furthermore, that teenage parents are less likely than “older mothers to breastfeed their babies, more likely to wean their children at a slightly younger age, and less likely to take their…child to a health clinic and have them vaccinated” (Abdullah et al., 2007, p. 396) are additional concerns surrounding the future wellbeing of their children.

There are many tendencies pertaining to the manner in which teenage mothers raise their children that can adversely affect the child’s health and well-being. To illustrate, mothers with poor diets will often fail to ensure that their children are receiving the proper nutrition from a more balanced diet, if only because the mothers themselves are simply unaccustomed to such a lifestyle. One study from Abdullah et al. (2007) “observed health and nutrition status and patterns of illness among the children of adolescent mothers and socio-economic characteristics of the family”, and “the results indicate that they were more malnourished than the children of mothers aged 25-29” (p. 398). Lack of nutrition, however, might also arise when mothers prematurely stop breastfeeding their infant children. One study discusses the importance of breastfeeding, stating that, as a process, it is “concerned with creating a new person, establishing an effective immune system, building brain function, developing socialization, and promoting long-term health” (Godfrey & Lawrence, 2010, p. 1597). This study also noted that via breastfeeding, “antibodies are passed to the infant…providing instantaneous immunity not possible with a formula” (Godfrey & Lawrence, 2010, p. 1597). Considering the monumental impact associated with breast milk, it may seem rather obvious that infants prematurely denied such nutrition might suffer from health-related issues in the years that follow. Tangential to the future well-being of teenage mothers is the concern that financially disadvantaged teenage mothers may raise children who themselves grow up to live in socio-economically burdened environments.

Research suggests that children born of very young mothers may experience financial difficulty later in life. One study reported that nearly “half of all teenage mothers were living in poverty when their children were infants, but perhaps more surprisingly, 56% of all children who were living in poverty were born to a mother who was a teenager either at birth or an older sibling’s birth” (Mollborn & Dennis, 2012, p. 1031). While it has been postulated for many years, it seems there is finally some research investigating the intergenerational connection of poverty. Citing the same study from Mollborn and Dennis (2012), that “teenage mothers’ children together with later-born siblings represented the majority of all families who were living in poverty or whose mothers had not earned a high school diploma” (p. 1034), is a clear indication that a parent’s lack of formal education has a tremendous impact of the future economic status of their children. Taking into account the research that has described the effects of teenage pregnancy, there is little doubt such scenarios can be the source of physical and mental strain for both the mother and her offspring.

Teenage pregnancy is still a major social issue despite some evidence that it has receded in recent years. Some of the most detrimental effects concerning young mothers are those surrounding the onset of depression, and such ailments may be exacerbated by the extremely young age of the mother. Furthermore, many teenage mothers fail to return to school and complete their education contributes to their socioeconomic difficulties later in life. As has already been acknowledged, this socioeconomic disadvantage might live vicariously through the offspring of teenage mothers. Furthermore, research into some of the effects of teenage pregnancy as relates to the child has determined that there are certain cognitive and physical aspects of development that might be diminished as a result of being born to a teenage mother. In addition to some apparently inherent disadvantages which to seem to arise as a result of teenage pregnancies, young mothers in their naïveté often make ill-informed decisions concerning the rearing of their newborn. One of the most common mistakes made by young mothers concerns the premature cessation of breastfeeding, a process that not only bonds mother to child but also provides nutrition that is unique to the composition of breast milk. Ultimately, whether intentional, unintentional, or inherent, there are a number of aspects of teenage pregnancy that result in either the creation or amplification of negative stressors that affect both the parent and the offspring. 

References

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Basch, C. E. (2011). Teen Pregnancy and the Achievement Gap Among Urban Minority Youth.Journal Of School Health, 81(10), 614-618. doi:10.1111/j.1746-1561.2011.00635.x

Cornelius, M. D., Goldschmidt, L., Willford, J. A., Leech, S. L., Larkby, C., & Day, N. L. (2009). Body Size and Intelligence in 6-year-olds: Are offspring of teenage mothers at risk?. Maternal & Child Health Journal, 13(6), 847-856. doi:10.1007/s10995-008-0399-0

Grant, M. J., & Hallman, K. K. (2008). Pregnancy-related School Dropout and Prior School Performance in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Studies In Family Planning, 39(4), 369-382. doi:10.1111/j.1728-4465.2008.00181.x

Maliki, A. (2012). The Effect of Teenage Pregnancy on Adolescents in Amassoma Community of Southern Ijaw Local Government Area of Bayelsa State. Asian Social Science, 8(1), 62-66. doi:10.5539/ass.v8n1p62

Mollborn, S., & Dennis, J. A. (2012). Explaining the Early Development and Health of Teen Mothers' Children1 Explaining the Early Development and Health of Teen Mothers' Children. Sociological Forum, 27(4), 1010-1036. doi:10.1111/j.1573-7861.2012.01366.x

PAPAMICHEAL, E., PILLAI, R., & WAI, Y. (2009). Children having children: Outcome of extreme teenage pregnancies (13–15 years). Acta Obstetricia Et Gynecologica Scandinavica, 88(11), 1284-1287. doi:10.3109/00016340903229427

Patel, P., & Sen, B. (2012). Teen Motherhood and Long-Term Health Consequences. Maternal & Child Health Journal, 16(5), 1063-1071. doi:10.1007/s10995-011-0829-2

Tzilos, G., Zlotnick, C., Raker, C., Kuo, C., & Phipps, M. (2012). Psychosocial factors associated with depression severity in pregnant adolescents. Archives Of Women's Mental Health, 15(5), 397-401. doi:10.1007/s00737-012-0296-9