Divorce: Is it a Structural or Individual Issue?

While statistics from the US Census Bureau confirm that divorce rates have dropped slightly since 1996, it is still the case that 41% of first marriages end in divorce (“American Community Survey Data on Marriage and Divorce.”) Divorce rates escalate to an even more alarming rate of 60% for second marriages and 73% for third marriages (“32 Shocking Divorce Statistics.”) In order to investigate the question of whether divorce is a structural or individual issue, it is first necessary to define the meaning of structural in this context. Tannenbaum separates structural effects from individual effects by suggesting that, while structural analytical statistics compiled using data derived from individual responses can create ambiguity, it is still possible to extract meaningful conclusions provided a common characteristic is present in all individual members of the group surveyed (386.) When exploring structural effects in the case of divorce, the common characteristic of group members is the fact that they are divorced. While situations surrounding each broken marriage are unique; it is safe to say that certain trends emerge that indicate that divorce is both individual and structural in nature. Structural issues are more far-reaching and as such, have more wide-spread consequences.

While divorce is usually initiated by one individual in a marriage or as the result of the actions of one member of the married couple, the effects of divorce tend to have much wider structural impact. Structural issues tend to fall into three broad categories: economic, environmental and familial. According to Galston in the Public Interest article “Divorce American Style,” divorce tends to impact the long-term health of individuals. Divorced men are twice more likely to die from stroke, heart disease, cancer, and hypertension than their married counterparts while divorced women are more than twice as likely to die from cancer. Divorce and the process of marital dissolution also increases the risk of psychiatric disease in both sexes (Galston 114.) In the case of late in life divorce, Mark Lachs also suggests that feelings of “abandonment” and loneliness and result in feelings of despondency, dark moods, low energy and other symptoms that lead to major depression.

Unfortunately, all of the individual effects of divorce mentioned above do not stop with the individual. Both physical and mental health conditions have structural impact as well, most obviously in the form of health care costs (Schramm 133.) Other financial impacts include the increased costs of maintaining two households and the direct legal expenses involved in the divorce action itself.

Research indicates that married couples divorce for three primary reasons, as outlined by Becker in his 1991 study, updating finding from initial research done by Becker, Landes, and Michael in 1977. These reasons indicate that couples divorce (1) if they both expect to be better off when compared with the alternative; (2) that most divorces are the result of uncertainty, misinformation, and/or unfavorable outcomes; and (3) accumulation of marital assets, such as children, can decrease the likelihood of divorce as well as increase the likelihood of remarriage. It should also be noted that divorce is less likely to occur among college-educated couples than couples with less education (Schramm.) The reason for this probably has more to do with the economic consequences of divorce as a more highly educated spouse would more likely be a higher wage earner which would increase the desirability of maintaining a certain standard of living that would in all likelihood be put at risk in the case of a divorce.

Direct personal costs of divorce create structural issues that tend to impact the lives of women and developing children disproportionately. If the woman was a stay at home mom or unemployed at the time of the divorce, the actual financial impact is difficult to calculate; but the immediate result in almost always a lowering of living standards of both the former wife and the children. Schramm cites several studies that report an average decline of 30% in income during the first year following a divorce (140.) In addition to reduced income and living standards, expenses usually increase immediately following marriage dissolution as one or both spouses must deal with finding new housing and paying legal fees. Divorce also frequently results in one or both spouses filing for bankruptcy as a result of divorce-related expenses. In these cases, the foundational health of our nation’s financial institutions is affected. The state where the divorce occurs also incurs expenses; particularly if the divorced woman and children are thrown into the welfare system for supplemental support, medical care and food stamps. Additionally, lost productivity incurred by couples due to estimated lost time from work resulted in an estimated loss of $68 million for the state of Utah in 1996 (Schramm, 139.) Significant impact occurs to governmental coffers when a spouse fails to pay child support and the custodial parent is forced to apply for welfare benefits. In cases like this, the state is forced to spend money pursuing the deadbeat parent as well as the various state programs that exist to provide food, subsidized daycare and other amenities to children from these broken homes.

Environmental effects of divorce are less frequently considered but should be included in a list of structural issues. The burden on the environment when a single household is split into two separate households means at the very least that twice as many dwellings will be occupied, equipped and drawing on resources, such as, electricity, water, and other city services (Divorce is Costing the Earth 2013.) If children are involved in the equation, there is a strong possibility that additional vehicles are added to city streets or existing vehicles are being driven extra miles to accommodate custody exchanges, etc.

Extended families are frequently impacted by structural issues in a divorce. In some cases, the divorced parent and children are unable to afford housing and are forced to move into the home of the grandparents. In other cases, grandparents and other relatives offer financial and logistical support in the form of childcare and extensive participation in school and extra-curricular activities. In most cases, dependent children are more likely to stay with their mother and, by extension, more frequently with their maternal grandparents. The recent economic downturn has created an upswing in the number of multi-generational families living under one roof. The economic stress of this burden on the oldest generation in the family dynamic can sometimes be over-whelming, cutting into retirement savings and forcing some seniors back into the workforce.

The most significant structural issue of divorce is its impact on children. Particularly if school-aged children are in the home during a divorce are most likely to emerge poorly adjusted if they are exposed to high levels of parental conflict before or during divorce proceedings. Because children tend to view themselves as the center of attention, it is often difficult for them to come to terms with the fact that their parents are emotionally distracted. Although it is true that some children experience serious problems following divorce of their parents; research indicates that most children make a rapid recovery after the initial shock, as long as they don't feel stuck in the middle (Arkowitz 68.) Although most children experience negative emotions such as, shock, anger, anxiety and disbelief immediately following the divorce, most of these reactions have diminished or disappeared completely by the second year. Most children of divorce also do well over the long term as reflected in a 2001 study by sociologist Paul R. Amato, at Pennsylvania State University at the time. He compared children of married parents to children of divorced parents by assessing their academic achievement, emotional and behavioral health, self-image and social relationships by following them throughout their childhood, adolescence and into adulthood. The study found only minor differences in the measurements in all these categories, supporting the contention that children of divorced parents tolerated the life-change well (Arkowitz.) This same research also indicated that children enduring particularly contentious parental relationships actually experienced a good deal of relief from stress following their parents’ divorce as following the divorce their parents were better able to return their focus to providing the stability, attention, and love that a child needs.

Works Cited

"32 Shocking Divorce Statistics." Divorce Attorneys & Family Law in Washington, Seattle, Tacoma, Portland - McKinley Irvin. N.p., n.d. Web. 20 Oct. 2013. <http://www.mckinleyirvin.com>. MLA formatting by BibMe.org.

American Community Survey Data on Marriage and Divorce. United States Census Bureau. Web. Last Revised November 2012.

Arkowitz, Hal and Lilienfeld, Scott O. “Is Divorce Bad for Children?” Scientific American Mind 24.1 (2013): 68. Scientific Reference Center. Web. 20 Oct. 2013.

Becker, G.S. ”A Treatise on the Family: Enlarged Edition.” Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press © 1991

Becker, G.S., Landes, E.M., & Michael, R.T. “An Economic Analysis of Marital Instability.” Journal of Political Economy, 85, 1141-1187.

Galston, William A. “Divorce American Style.” Public Interest. Summer96, Issue 124, p12-26.

Lachs, Mark S. “Divorce: Help with The Aftermath.” Prevention [serial on the Internet]. (2002,Dec), [cited October 20, 2013]; 54(12): 145. Available from Science Reference Center.

Schramm, David. “Individual and Social Costs of Divorce in Utah” Journal of Family and Economic Issues, Vol. 27(1), Spring 2006 p133-151

Tannenbaum, Arnold S., and Bachman, Jerald G. “Structural Versus Individual Effects” American Journal of Sociology” 1964