Divorced Mothers and their Children

Abstract

There is no doubt, based on the plethora of research conducted in this area, that divorce does indeed have a socioeconomic impact on the divorced mother. Mothers are forced to live at poverty level because welfare checks take the place of father's paychecks (Wadsworth, 1986); child support payments are not regularly received by the mother (Lansford, 2009); household tension increases between mother and child (Amato & Sobolewski, 2001); mother and child move to neighborhoods of poorer quality (Lansford, 2009); continued parental discord (Amato & Sobolewski, 2001); higher education is not affordable (Fischer, 2007); and both long- and short-term psychological malfeasance occurs (Lansford, 2009). While this is not an exhaustive list of the divorced mother's impacts, it represents the more prominent ones.

Divorced Mothers and Their Children

Many studies have been undertaken in researching various impacts on children of divorce. While there are many implications and even sub-implications, three very prominent areas where measurable impacts are verifiably noteworthy: socioeconomic standing, educational opportunities and/or success, and psychological health. It is true, clearly, that it is the totality of situations and impacts that cause certain individual outcomes however, the focus here will be in these general three areas as they relate primarily between divorced mothers and children of divorce.

Socioeconomic

Where it is generally held that the father's socioeconomic status mostly influences a child's standing in a successful marriage, in terms of socio-economic accomplishment, it is the mother's social and economic factors that direct or associate more closely with the children post-divorce (Fischer, 2007). Wadsworth and Mclean (1986) found that post-divorce a higher amount of households (including divorced mothers) depended on welfare as their primary source of income. One researcher found that while income is certainly a factor when ascertaining a child's adjustment prospects, that when a child of divorce after experiencing the reduction of income became the child of a second marriage, thus income increasing, the adjustments from the divorce still manifested and did not reverse as the result of a change in income (Lansford, 2009). That may suggest that once the post-divorce child suffers any maladjustment, those maladjustments are not easily overcome and may follow the child well into his or her adult life (Lansford, 2009).

Fischer (2007) through survey methods sought to find the connection between father/child conveyance of monetary and/or educational resources pre and post-divorce leading to the second hypothesis that the higher the level of paternal resource output or availability the less the impact of divorce and the higher the material resource availability the lower the impact of divorce (2007). As it turns out, resource arability had exactly those effects meaning that if the mother was economically stable post-divorce, it softened the blow considerably since the style of living to which the child is accustomed does not change (Fischer 2007). This reduces considerably any external adjustments a child of divorce must make which reduces negative impact issues (Fischer 2007).

This segues neatly into the stress any child must experience upon leaving home, going away to college, getting married or any of the several scenarios which present as the impetus when children leave home for the first time. Divorced mothers are usually left to be the parent who prepares the child to go out into the world and make his or her way (Amato & Sobolewski, 2001). She is also left to be the sole emotional support, advisor and assister as the child leaves the home (Amato & Sobolewski, 2001). The socioeconomic standing of a divorced mother is such that it deprives the child of much of that support in that one parent is for all practical purposes absent, which also deprives the child of his or her grandparents who are also integral parts of a child's emotional maturity and socioeconomic success (Amato & Sobolewski, 2001). It is important to note, however, that income plays an important role in the overall, successful outcome of the child post-divorce, but not entirely (Lansford, 2009).

Education

Unfortunately, any discussion involving education, especially higher education, must include the monetary element associated therewith. Given the divorced mother's reduced or reallocated monetary resources, the children of divorce are afforded fewer opportunities for education (Wadsworth & Mclean, 1986). According to Amato and Sobolewski (2001), children of divorce are more prone to becoming high school dropouts. This creates somewhat of a snowball effect in the child's future achievements in that at age 26 male children of divorced parents were unlikely to ever seek any further education or obtain marketable (other than manual) skills (Wadsworth & Mclean, 1986). Amato and Sobolewski (2001) go on to state that if education is unattainable then so is a person's general sense of wellbeing and fulfillment creating a link between children of divorce and the wherewithal of adult children of divorce since it appears that adult children of divorce are not only deprived of education but have a general sense of unwellness, psychologically and behaviorally.

Wadsworth & Mclean (1986) compiled data from a cross-sectional and longitudinal study exploring long-term effects on children of divorce. They found, among other things, that as the result of the emotional side effects of divorce children fell behind children of intact families at school which seriously impugned their chances at a successful socioeconomic standing (Wadsworth & Mclean, 1986). Their research goes on to suggest that the divorce triggers a chain of events commencing with a change in socioeconomics and negative emotions thereby lowering educational achievement (Wadsworth & McLean, 1986).

Fischer's (2007) research fine-tuned the answer to the divorce-versus-education conflict by assigning educational success or failure to either the mother or father, rather than just the circumstances (divorce), and whether or not the divorced mother was educated and/or had earning potential (Fischer, 2007). What she found is that if the mother was educated the child's potential for educational achievement increased and that the same held true of the mother had earning potential (Fischer, 2007). The mother's resourcefulness also impacted the other two areas discussed herein as the anxiety decreased as did the household discord which reduced any negative behavioral and/or psychological effects a child of divorce could potentially experience (Fischer, 2007).

Psychological and/or Behavioral

As a result of the change in the divorced mother's socioeconomic status, children's behaviors may change, they may experience emotional problems and be less educated (Lansford, 2009). Lansford (2009) reviewed research findings in an attempt to find the connection between divorce and the adjustment of children of divorce. Her research was a five-tiered inquiry beginning with how divorce impacts the child's behavior, social interaction, relationships and achievements (Lansford, 2009). Continuing to and including pre-divorce characteristics, then income, parenting and parental conflict as impacts. Finally, she contemplated various research limitations.

Amato and Sobolewski (2001) used data obtained from a 17-year longitudinal study to examine, among other things, the impact divorce has on the post-divorce child's relationship with his or her mother and reduce the chances of maintaining a successful relationship as an adult (2001). They found that the ramifications of post-divorce have long-range effects which may include a lack of psychological well-being and the ability to maintain a successful relationship (Amato & Sobolewski, 2001). Further, manifestations of whatever residual, behavioral, economic or otherwise, occur if the child endures a subsequent divorce as a lot of children do (Amato & Sobolewski, 2001) which conclusion seems to agree with the other researchers' findings included herein regarding long-term effects (Wadsworth & Mclean,1986; Lansford, 2009; Fischer, 2007; Meltzer, 2011)

Wadsworth & McLean (1986) determined that children of divorce under the age of 5 were at a higher risk for major behavioral and psychological manifestations immediately following the actual separation. It follows to reason that young children of divorce have a high disposition to long-term psychological effects.

While it appears that the starting point of a child of divorce's psychological degradation manifests itself when the mother becomes the sole provider (whether or not she receives child support) thereby reducing the family income substantially, has less time to spend with her children and more harried with the increase of family responsibility, one study found that the emotional effects tend to span generations (Wadsworth, 1986). Amato and Sobolewski point out that while, generally, the effects of divorce on the children are negative, depending on the volatility, dysfunction and overall unhappiness of the marriage preceding separation, divorce may be a good thing allowing the children escape from a negative environment (Amato & Sobolewski, 2001). However, even they came to the conclusion that divorce negatively affects the children psychologically into adulthood; that gender is irrelevant, meaning that both boys and girls are impacted with very little degree of difference between them; that the impact is not a snapshot in time, but part of an adjustment period which could span into a second marriage and subsequent divorce of a parent; and that in the event of divorce, the bond between parent and child are compromised and remains compromised through adult years causing child of divorce anxiety and low self-worth (Amato & Sobolewski, 2001).

Metzler (2011) through his study of longitudinal data collected between 1972 and 2006 analyzed the mindset of the United States on divorces that involved children and whether it conformed to reality or the real effects on children of divorce (2011). While Metzler's research generally agrees with the other four studies contained herein, he included criminal behavior as a part of the divorce hangover (Metzler 2011). Evidently, as a result of divorce and the mother's socioeconomic status declining, children, among other things, have the propensity to act criminally (Metzler 2011). Yet another negative manifestation which could potentially endure into adulthood.

Sadly, marital discord and the ultimate socio-economic impact it has on the divorced mother can be observed in children of divorce and their relationships. It is unmistakable and comes as the result of the chaotic environment in the home pre and post-divorce (Amato & Sobolewski, 2001). Adult children of divorce are reluctant to keep in touch with their parents, experience failing relationships of their own, and even depict their associations with their parents as negative (Amato & Sobolewski, 2001). As children, divorced mothers were apt to discipline more harshly or inconsistently, be less affectionate and appear to be less generous with money creating a rift between divorced mother and children, which rift carries over into adulthood and impedes the parent/child relationship as mentioned above (Amato & Sobolewski, 2001).

Following these same lines, contrary to public belief that children of divorce would be less predisposed to make the same mistakes as their parents, the opposite is true in that children of divorce have a higher chance of divorce, marital discord and general dissatisfaction in their relationships (Amato & Sobolewski, 2001). This may be the result of the children of divorce being generally unhappy and dissatisfied educationally and financially (Fischer, 2007). Amato and Sobolewski propose that it is their lack of respect for the institution of marriage, bad communication skills or believing that divorce is the norm rather than a happy marriage (2007).

An important consideration and maybe addition to the group of children of divorce is the child of the divorced significant other. While it may be true that divorce rates are falling, or not, or fewer people are marrying, or not, there are many children born into couples who have not married and will potentially "divorce" (Amato and Sobolewski, 2001). Those children also follow the same life path and are exposed to or are predisposed to all the same impacts as the children of divorce discussed herein (Amato and Sobolewski, 2001). The research herein has not included that subset but at some point, there should be some attention paid to it if there has not been already.

As one last side note and considering the difference of the overall implications of divorce between men and women, with divorced women suffering more negatively, and the long-term issues surrounding the children, it is interesting to note that, even with this information, men were less supportive of divorce when children were involved (Meltzer, 2011). Of course, there may be many reasons, other than the children, that men want to stay married and women do not, but that was not and will not be discussed here.

Conclusion

When considering solely the difference in the level of the mother's income post-divorce, whether higher or lower and the effects it has on the children of divorce in terms of education, behavior and socio-economical standing, the message is clear. It does not appear to make a difference what type of research is undertook -- longitudinal, survey, cross-sectional, etc. -- divorce matters. The negative impacts on the children of divorce are staggering, no matter how insignificant they may appear on paper. If post-divorce the mother is economically stable, meaning there is no noticeable reduction in income, the child's educational potential does not decrease (Fischer, 2007). If the mother's level of income does reduce post-divorce, the child's chance for educational opportunity or success decline (Fischer, 2007). If the post-divorce mother's resources diminish or deplete, the chances of the children of divorce achieving any social standing are reduced. If the divorced mother is unemployable or lacking in skills, the risk of the children of divorce misbehaving, committing crimes and/or experiencing psychological problems increase. Most of the five articles referenced herein suggested policies and programs dealing with what has become the norm rather than the exception. Unfortunately, as time goes by so do the chances for the children of divorce. 

References

Amato, P. R., and Sobolewski, J.M. (2001). The effects of divorce and marital discord on adult children's psychological wellbeing. American Sociological Review, 66(6), 900-921.

Fischer, T. (2007). Parental Divorce and children's socio-economic success: Conditional effects of parental resources prior to divorce, and gender of child. Sociology, 41(475), 475-495.

Lansford, J. E. (2009). Parental divorce and children's adjustnment. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 4(140), 140-152.

Meltzer, S. (2011). Our divorce culture: A Durkheimian perspective. Journal of Divorce & Remarriage, 52, 147-163.

Wadsworth, M.E.J. and Mclean, M. (1986). Parents' divorce and children's life chances. Children and Youth Services Review, 8, 145-159.