Pro-Ana SubCulture

The presence of people with eating disorders is becoming more known in the American general public. Within this category, there are various different illnesses that can affect people. Patients who are in recovery programs often group themselves with people who have similar symptoms to them in order to obtain emotional support as well as validation. They want to have people who are like them and form bonds to do so. There has been a social phenomenon called pro-ana that focuses on people who have an eating disorder. Pro-ana is a subculture in the United States and in various parts of the world. The term ana comes from the eating disorder anorexia nervosa. Ana is also used as a personification with the name Ana. This essay will discuss some of the cultural and social realities of the subculture pro-ana.

There are various pro-ana organizations within the United States, with each of them having a different stance on the way that they run their community. Some are communities where people with anorexia can engage safely in a non-judgmental environment. Many of these types of communities act as a place where people can discuss their illness and support others who choose to recover. 

There is another type of community in the pro-ana realm. Anorexia nervosa is viewed by the scientific community and the public in general as a serious mental illness. Research has shown that anorexia nervosa has the highest death rate of any psychological disorder. The other type of community is one that denies anorexia nervosa as a mental illness, with the claim that it is a lifestyle that deserves to be respected by family and doctors. The thought behind it is that anorexia nervosa is not an illness, but an accomplishment of self-control and a defining part of their identity.

The pro-ana subculture is largely characterized by an online presence and celebrities who perpetuate the issue. This community is thought to be a social phenomenon that could only occur in the age of the internet (Giles 463). In various internet spaces, exist many tight-knit support groups.  They can be found in their own internet space or in places such as Tumblr, Xanga, Live Journal, Facebook, and Myspace. It has been estimated that there are between 200 and 400 websites that can be considered to be pro-ana communities (Brotsky and Giles 94). These interactive communities are spaces where people can exchange ideas and strategies, but it is also a place where they can exist in solidarity with people who have similar experiences.

Within these different communities, different norms are built. Giles (2006: 465) describes the way in which members of these online communities create group cohesion and identity. Each board has a standpoint on what anorexia means that can vary from it being an illness or a lifestyle or a disease (Giles 467). There is also group cohesion found in whether or not the community chooses to use the term shortened form of “ana” or to maintain the full term anorexia as is Giles (2006). These different pillars of community help the participants to self-identify and to find pride in their group membership. Acceptance levels of newcomers depend on the degree to which they can exhibit behavior that falls into the norms of the community in which they are participating (Brotsky and Giles 94). These ideological norms also play out in more direct and tangible ways in terms of the content of these different forums.

There are norms that have developed in these online forums. These forums are a place where anorexia as a desirable trait is spread. It is also a place where tips are given, which is why parents should monitor all their children's' digital interactions. Some tips include the techniques and recipes that they use in order to maintain their anorexia (Brotsky and Giles 95).   They also share ways that are considered to be socially acceptable reasons to refuse food, such as veganism (Brotsky and Giles 96). Tips can also include how to vomit effectively and on the effectiveness of certain laxatives and emetics. Reducing the side effects of anorexia are another topic of information that occurs within these forums (Brotsky and Giles 96). There are even tips shared on methods of hiding their weight loss from their parents and doctors. Tips on how to survive with an eating disorder are an important part of pro-ana culture and one of the norms of these sites is to involve oneself with the giving and receiving of those sorts of tips.

However, these sites aren’t all just tips, it is also an arena to promote their eating disorder.  In many of these realms, people post their body measurements and weight in order to receive affirmation and acceptance from their peers. There is a sense of solidarity created through people engaging in fasting together. Yet, in these settings, there are also instances of competition in losing weight. With some communities including boasting between different parties on who did the best in losing weight. These are just some of the norms of online pro-ana communities. When people abide by the norms that are presented, they are rewarded with a community of solidarity and inspiration to do better in their fasting. 

One theme that appears within the pro-ana culture is that of thinspiration. Thinspiration is what occurs when bloggers post pictures or videos meant to inspire their community not to eat with themes of slim women or of fatty food meant to deter people from eating (Norris, Boydell, Pinhas and Katzman, 2006). Thinspiration actually is thought to be akin to a sort of spirituality. Themes of bodily purity, as well as good being referred to as sin and corruption, conjure up imagery of spirituality. There are also many portrayals of thinness using the imagery of angels and their flight (Norris, Boydell, Pinhas and Katzman, 2006). Terms such as “Ana’s Creed” and “The Thin Commandments” are also directly used to create more connections between thinspiration and spirituality (Norris, Boydell, Pinhas and Katzman, 2006). The images of thinspiration embody some of the expectations regarding the proper behavior of those who want to be involved in the pro-ana community. 

Though there is a theme of support within the different pro-ana communities, this support does not always come easily. Acceptance into the community often included a period of time where the new member was being assessed by the other members of the community (Brotsky and Giles 97). With so much negative feedback from the general public and in their offline lives, it is important for members of the pro-ana communities to maintain safety and so there is often distrust of new members until they prove themselves. Some communities have formal entrance processes where an application is required (Brotsky and Giles 95). Other have initiation rituals where the newcomer is interrogated in order for the group to have a better understanding of what that person’s views on eating disorders are and what sorts of terms that they use (Brotsky and Giles 95). 

The wannarexic is a person who would be considered to be a casual dieter. These people join because they think that doing so will help them to induce an eating disorder which will, in turn, allow them to lose weight quicker. People who are involved in the pro-ana community find this to go against their norms and refer to them in a derogatory way as the term wannarexic is a derivative of the term, wannabe (Brotsky and Giles 94). This is an example of what can happen when people do not fall into the desired norms of pro-ana communities.

With the development of technology, members of the pro-ana community have become more common. In the year from 2006 to 2007 alone, there was a 470% increase in the amount of pro-ana and pro-mia (bulimia) websites (Dyke 147). In 2006, a study conducted by Maastricht University a Dutch blog host began to give users a warning before they entered onto a pro-ana blog that included links to pro-recovery sites (Martijin, Smeets, Jansen, Hoeymans, and Schoemaker 139). Even though these warning did work to an extent as nearly thirty-four percent of the 530,000 visitors did not go past the warning, the number of blogs on the site increased by ten, with the amount of monthly traffic doubling by the end of the summer (Martijin, Smeets, Jansen, Hoeymans, and Schoemaker 139).

In an interview conducted with a person who considers herself to be pro-ana, it was discovered that there are many issues with getting the general American public to understand or to be supportive of pro-ana groups (Dyke 148). Group members often face a lot of hostility for their state of being when they are not on the internet (Dyke 148). Yet, online, many people feel like they can be truer to their authentic self (Dyke 147). In this interview, after being asked how this person thought that pro-ana culture could be more accepted by the general American public, the response was that people needed to have a better understanding of just what the pro-ana culture is and the way that it helps people who are in situations where they do not have support with their eating disorder. Yet, the issue with this is position is that pro-ana sites are not just used for emotional and social support, it is also used to perpetuate eating disorders as they exist in individuals.

Pro-ana is a subculture that exists throughout the world, a place of safety for people, primarily women, who are experiencing anorexia nervosa. As a subculture, this community has its own set of norms, customs, and rituals that exist to create social cohesion. These norms of tip giving, food shaming, and group identity are what differentiate the pro-ana culture from other subcultures, even with the inconsistencies between different communities in the culture. This particular culture is also further complex because of its Internet-focused existence. Pro-ana subculture is unique in its existence and customs and habits.

Works Cited

Brotsky, Sarah R., and David Giles. "Inside the “Pro-Ana” Community: A Covert Online Participant Observation." Eating Disorders 15.2 (2007): 93-109. Print.

Dyke, Sarah. “Utilising a Blended Ethnographic Approach to Explore the Online and Offline Lives of Pro-Ana Community Members.” Ethnography And Education 8.2 (2013): 146-61. Print.

Giles, David. "Constructing Identities in Cyberspace: The Case of Eating Disorders." British Journal of Social Psychology 45.3 (2006): 463-77. Print.

Martijn, C., E. Smeets, A. Jansen, N. Hoeymans, and C. Schoemaker. "Don't Get the Message: The Effect of a Warning Text Before Visiting a Proanorexia Website." International Journal of Eating Disorders 42.2 (2009): 139-45. Print. 

Norris, M. L., K. M. Boydell, L. Pinhas, and D. K. Katzman. (2006). “Ana and the Internet: A Review of Pro‐Anorexia Websites.” International Journal of Eating Disorders, 39.6 2006): 443-47. Print.